Porters - Unseen disposable people
By Gifty Burrows
For many African countries the 1920s saw the first use of a motorcar by some colonialists [1] as a move away from using Africans themselves as a mode of transport. White travellers would be born aloft on the shoulders of Black porters or in machela (a cloth one lies in like a hammock, carried by at least two people). Others would have the responsibility of carrying the rest of the loads deemed to be essential for whatever an expedition including many luxury items that provided home comforts. Indeed in some of Harrison’s expeditions there were mentions of champagne and Mrs. McMillan plum pudding. Some travellers continued to prefer the practice of human portage to signal superiority even at the expense of convenience, advancement and speed. Such undertones were clear then as now and can still draw outrage into the present time as was seen by the response to the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge being carried on a trip in the Solomon Islands [2].
The practice carrying items on the heads or backs of individuals has a long tradition practiced as an effective means of transporting loads and possessions. Many porters in the late 19th century were enslaved or conscripted and the level of brutality enacted on the slave caravans witnessed by Livingstone in his time for example, had the effect of frightening the roadside communities and caused large stretches of depopulation along the routes. For those on the expeditions, that made finding food and provisions difficult.
In the age of expedition, humans were preferred for the role as animals such as oxen, camels, mules, and elephants were vulnerable to sleeping sickness from the tsetse fly. However the danger to those fulfilling that role or portage made them also vulnerable to disease as the caravans were a means of spreading sickness amongst soldiers, porters and labourers. Proximity was an issue but so was the increased stress and malnutrition which itself had an impact on compromised immune systems and the ability to resist disease [3]. This was evidenced in 1903 by a government doctor in the Lado Enclave [4] observing that cases of sleeping sickness most often coincided with undernourishment and an excess of work.
Given that some caravans were 100s or 1000s strong, consideration had to be given to the route taken and the headman was in control of navigation so the route depended on his knowledge and usually were planned to avoid natural obstacles [5]. From Harrison’s diaries there is a suggestion that whilst the number of porters varied day to day, at times this numbered over 40 all of whom carried substantial loads, in considerable heat, over marathon distances, at punishing pace and with poor subsistence.
Saturday, February 11th, 1905.
“Up at 4.30 and started away our porters, 50, at 6 o'clock in charge of 6 soldiers. We breakfasted and marched at 7 till 11. Camped under a splendid big tree during heat of day. One kind host escorted us along the road. He has been kind - provided every luxury and ordered all food and porters to be paid for between Dufile and Waddai. Having double porters we did a good morning march across a plain with mountains on our right. Moved away again at 4 o'clock and did a tremendous fast and long trek, camping at 8.45 in a big kraal called Elo. We were terribly annoyed by mosquitoes both on march and after camping. We saw monkey and lots of small deer. Porters went well, never once putting down their loads. Did our longest march so far.”
Although the burden of Harrison’s porters is not clear, it was suggested by Henry Morton Stanley that a man should carry a maximum load of 30kg (65lbs), children 22lbs and even then, evidence of retrospective calculations suggests that this was often exceeded to more than three times [6].
Through necessity, the route taken was likely to be populous and fertile to enable provisions along the way otherwise the porters had to carry substantial supplies. Providing for such large numbers become problematic in times of natural declines such as in times of famine or drought yet even then local kings and chiefs were called upon to ensure that the caravans would fare better than the population as reported in referring to a visit to the King of Toro ‘He has been most kind, having sent a Chief along and orders ahead to have plenty of food for my porters, as this is very scarce owing to famine’. [7]
Such scarcity sometimes presented danger to villages too which might be plundered for resources or conversely, to the caravans which are prone to be attacked. However, for expeditions such as Harrison’s, there was minimum threat against them as they negotiated safe passage with various local chiefs. There was an expectation that chiefs would ‘induce’ the natives to enlist as porters. Such arrangements between travellers and local chiefs had the potential for mutual benefit although this was not always the case for the porters themselves.
Wednesday, February 8th, 1905.
“Up at 4 and away at 5.40. Porters quite hopeless and did nothing - sat down and rested more than they marched. By 9 o'clock we reached the foot of the mountains when our porters said we must halt and feed as no water for a long way. This we did at a pretty river Kayo, where we photographed and bathed. At one o'clock we began to climb the hills - awful going for our poor donkeys. We took 2 hours getting over when we stopped at 4 and rested porters and had dinner. Alas, my best grey donkey is dead lame - ricked the shoulder - awful bad luck. Went on again at 7 expecting to do a long moonlight trek but only did some 1 ½ hours and porters turned fractious so had to stop. Slept in the middle of road. 13 miles”
Transactions and agreements tended to be between chief and the explorer with the act of fleeing being the only option and ‘voice’ afforded to the African porters. The fact that Harrison recorded several incidents of absconding in his caravan perhaps gives an indication of how the porters viewed their lot, as even on days where the heat is described as ‘terrific’ it would not be unusual for them to still march for 28 miles with heavy loads even when Harrison himself without a load describes himself as needing to rest as he was “well tired” [8].
Wednesday, February 15th, 1905
Harrison writes of waist deep fast flowing water that swept things away, and huge papyrus swamps, stating:
“We struggled through in about two hours; donkeys being absolutely stuck had to be dragged, lifted and pushed. Standing up to one's waist under a hot sun, working in mud and water was awful. On getting out we found our porters had dumped down all the loads at the kraal and gone. However, we luckily got others without delay.” And then “Porters changed loads three times but never put down loads”
On Saturday, March 18th, 1905, Harrison wrote:
“Started 19 loads off by road to Waddai. Found my donkey been tied up by bridle all night. Got the Commandant to give Wyndiar the boy 25 chicote; perfectly hopeless anything else.”
The following morning he highlights: “found all our morning baggage piled there, the porters having gone. We sent out all round to bring in more and chief promised to have them in. Heard them strolling in all night. We kept sentries on all night in case any of ours went.” That day’s walk was 14 miles
The language used to describe the porters is insightful with regular mentions of ‘fresh porters’ and the count of porters listed along with commodities “Plenty porters - milk and eggs” with frequent mentions of inexact numbers of “some 40” or ‘40 odd”. Their humanity seemed incidental (so much so that in daily entries they are listed amongst the tally of the day) and yet they were pivotal to the ease of the journey and the progress that could be made; indeed sourcing them were an important daily consideration. The ease with which replacement porters could be found even when working conditions were punishing also signals how disposable they were viewed. It was however interesting to note that roles could be found for both genders with Harrison having “a good many lady porters, also one for my rifle”.
References
Grace, J. (2021) Walking to the Car. A Popular History of Mobility and Infrastructure in Tanganyika, 1860s to 1960 in African Motors Book Subtitle: Technology, Gender, and the History of Development Book (pp. 33-81): Duke University Press.
One of many newspaper headlines in response to William and Katherine, Duke and Duchess of Cambridge the visit to the Solomon Island in 2012 https://www.tmz.com/2021/03/12/prince-william-and-kate-carried-on-throne-by-people-of-color-in-2012/
Lyons, M. Sleeping sickness… Sleeping Sickness in the History of Northeast Congo (Zaire) Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines Vol. 19, No. 3 (1985), pp. 627-633
Ministere des Affaires Etrangères, Archives Africaines (MAEAA) 151.1,21 May 1932, Rapport Annuel: Service Medicale, Province Orientale, Dr. Fontana
“Crossed two places which will be nasty to cross during the rains”. Entry in Harrison’s diary Sunday, February 5th, 1905.
Kisangani, E. F and Bobb, F.S (2009) Historical Dictionary of the Democratic Republic of the Congo 3rd ed.
Visit to the court of the King of Toro - Dandi Kusagana during the trip to return the six African to their homeland. Harrison’s diaries entry, Tuesday, January 14th, 1908.
Harrison diary entry, Saturday, March 25th, 1905